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On June 30, 2026, the National Assembly adopted the final text on assisted dying. A historic vote, fragile in its legal foundations, heavy with consequences for the Church and Catholic caregivers.
Week after week, we had followed the progress of the law on assisted dying. On June 30, 2026, the National Assembly voted on the final text in a solemn vote that the French episcopate described as historic—and not without reason.
The final hours before the vote revealed internal fractures within the majority. Minister Camille Galliard-Minier found herself in public contradiction with her own position as a deputy on the notion of "natural death"—a reflection of the text's legal inconsistency. Some parliamentarians admitted voting "with a trembling hand." Cardinal Sarah, alongside the French episcopate, issued a final warning: "Not every law approved by a Parliament is just." Emmanuel Hirsch and Laurent Frémont, co-founders of the collective Démocratie, éthique et solidarité, wrote in La Croix: "The law that was meant to proclaim our fraternity will proclaim our abdication." Meanwhile, the Church prepares for the aftermath: the Little Sisters of the Poor fear closing their facilities, and Catholic caregivers question the effectiveness of the conscience clause.
The Gospel of Life is unambiguous. John Paul II, in Evangelium Vitae (n. 65), states: "Euthanasia is a grave violation of the law of God, as it is the deliberate and morally unacceptable killing of a human person." The Catechism of the Catholic Church (n. 2277) specifies that any act or omission which, of itself or by intention, causes death to eliminate suffering constitutes murder, even if presented as compassionate. These texts leave no room for parliamentary casuistry.
The economic argument put forward by some proponents of the law—legalizing to reduce healthcare costs—directly contradicts the Church's social doctrine. Gaudium et Spes (n. 27) lists among intrinsically evil acts "all forms of voluntary homicide." No budgetary imperative can justify them.
The immediate issue is that of institutional conscience. The text as submitted for the vote does not guarantee Catholic institutions the right to refuse organizing assisted dying within their walls. The French Church enters a period of institutional and spiritual resistance. The question of maintaining Catholic healthcare facilities—hospitals, retirement homes, palliative care services—is no longer theoretical.
The Galliard-Minier contradiction illustrates a deeper phenomenon: this text is being voted on without fundamental questions having been resolved. What is the "natural death" that the law claims to regulate? Who defines "unbearable" suffering? These uncertainties will be settled by implementation decrees, far from immediate democratic oversight. The most serious blind spot remains the silence on the gradual shift: all countries that have legalized euthanasia have expanded, within a few years, the initially set access criteria.
"Your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit" (1 Cor 6:19). The Christian response is not discouragement but concrete commitment: supporting Catholic healthcare facilities, strengthening palliative care units, and tirelessly reminding that dignified death does not require programmed death.
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On parle de dignité, mais quand on voit des gens hurler de douleur sans espoir, est-ce vraiment ça la vie ? La loi change rien au mystère de la souffrance, elle donne juste un choix.
Saint Yves doit se retourner dans sa tombe. En Bretagne, nos hospices ont tenu 800 ans sans euthanasie, et on efface ça d’un trait de loi.
C’est vrai qu’on parle beaucoup de la loi, mais personne ne dit comment on va aider ceux qui ont juste peur de souffrir ou de se sentir seuls avant de mourir.
On nous parle de dignité, mais c’est juste une façon de dire qu’on a plus le temps de s’occuper des gens. Ma grand-mère est morte à l’hôpital, entourée, sans cette loi… et c’était beau.
Aide à mourir : le référendum bloqué, l'Assemblée dans la semaine du vote