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The solemn vote is scheduled for June 30. As MPs prepare to decide, doctors and the Church express the same truth that the law refuses to hear: palliative care and assisted dying are irreducibly incompatible.
In our issue of June 28, we reported on the removal of the institutional conscience clause for healthcare facilities. The text adopted in a new reading now compels these establishments to "guarantee continuity of care," including assisted dying. The solemn vote is approaching: June 30, 2026.
With 48 hours until the vote, pediatric surgeon Emmanuel Sapin reaffirms an uncompromising position: palliative care and euthanasia are "incompatible and irreconcilable." This formulation is not rhetorical. It points to a radical anthropological divide. Palliative care accompanies the dying toward a natural death by alleviating pain. Assisted dying deliberately causes death. In Germany, palliative care specialists expressed the same resistance to the law on assisted suicide, emphasizing that end-of-life care cannot coexist with voluntary death within the same care framework. Archbishop Aveline put it clearly: "One cannot disguise the act of causing death as a care gesture."
This incompatibility, which palliative medicine perceives from within, the Church has articulated for decades. Evangelium Vitae (n. 65) unequivocally establishes the distinction between the refusal of therapeutic obstinacy—a licit act—and euthanasia—an act "intrinsically evil." The Catechism of the Catholic Church is precise: euthanasia is "an action or an omission which, of itself or by intention, causes death in order to eliminate suffering" (CCC 2277). No clause of compassion transforms this act into care. The removal of the institutional conscience clause pushes the logic to its conclusion: compelling the very structures of care to organize death, even by delegation.
Catholic institutions and Christian-inspired palliative care homes find themselves on the front line. The obligation to "guarantee continuity of care" means, in practice: organizing the transfer of the patient to a facility that will perform the act. This cooperation, even indirect, raises an unresolved canonical question. It deserves a clear response from the bishops of France, without delay. Only individual healthcare professionals retain their conscience clause—a partial and fragile protection.
Three dissenting voices from the left—Belluco, Potier, Peu—voted against during the new reading. Bayrou remains reserved. These resistances will not reverse the outcome on June 30. But they reveal that the fault line is not confessional: it runs through consciences. The question of protecting vulnerable individuals—depressed patients, elderly people subjected to family pressures, individuals whose "desire to die" expresses social distress—remains entirely unresolved by the law.
John Paul II denounced the contradiction of an era in which "a life that would require more welcome, love, and care is considered useless" (Evangelium Vitae, n. 12). On the eve of the solemn vote, let us support caregivers who refuse to betray their oath and palliative care homes that embody another response to suffering: accompanying life to its natural end, not its deliberate shortening.
- **Institutional conscience clause abolished**: Healthcare facilities must now ensure continuity of care, including assisted dying.
- **June 30, 2026**: Date of the solemn vote.
- **Palliative care vs. euthanasia**: Incompatible approaches to end-of-life care.
- **Canonical implications**: Indirect cooperation in assisted dying raises unresolved questions.
- **Protection of the vulnerable**: The law does not address risks for depressed or pressured individuals.
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En Belgique, on pratique les deux sans que les soins palliatifs disparaissent. Pourquoi ce serait impossible en France ?
Aide à mourir : le référendum bloqué, l'Assemblée dans la semaine du vote